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An Act to amend the Criminal Code (conditional sentence of imprisonment)

This bill is from the 39th Parliament, 1st session, which ended in October 2007.

Sponsor

Vic Toews  Conservative

Status

This bill has received Royal Assent and is now law.

Summary

This is from the published bill. The Library of Parliament has also written a full legislative summary of the bill.

This enactment amends section 742.1 of the Criminal Code to provide that a person convicted of a serious personal injury offence as defined in section 752 of that Act, a terrorism offence or a criminal organization offence prosecuted by way of indictment for which the maximum term of imprisonment is ten years or more is not eligible for a conditional sentence.

Similar bills

C-70 (38th Parliament, 1st session) An Act to amend the Criminal Code (conditional sentence of imprisonment)

Elsewhere

All sorts of information on this bill is available at LEGISinfo, an excellent resource from Parliament. You can also read the full text of the bill.

Bill numbers are reused for different bills each new session. Perhaps you were looking for one of these other C-9s:

C-9 (2021) Law An Act to amend the Judges Act
C-9 (2020) Law An Act to amend the Income Tax Act (Canada Emergency Rent Subsidy and Canada Emergency Wage Subsidy)
C-9 (2020) An Act to amend the Chemical Weapons Convention Implementation Act
C-9 (2016) Law Appropriation Act No. 1, 2016-17

Votes

Nov. 1, 2006 Failed That Bill C-9, in Clause 1, be amended (a) by replacing lines 6 to 13 on page 1 with the following: “742.1 (1) If a person is convicted of an offence and the court imposes a sentence” (b) by adding after line 25 on page 1 the following: “(2) Despite subsection (1), the court shall not order that an offender serve the sentence in the community if the offender is convicted of any of the following offences: ( a) an offence punishable by a minimum term of imprisonment; ( b) an offence prosecuted by way of indictment for which the maximum term of imprisonment is fourteen years or more; and( c) any of the following offences, if prosecuted by way of indictment and punishable by a maximum term of imprisonment of ten years:(i) a terrorism offence, (ii) a criminal organization offence, (iii) an offence under any of the following provisions: (A) section 83.231 (hoax — terrorist activity), (B) subsection 88(1) (possession of weapon for dangerous purpose), (C) section 144 (prison breach), (D) section 160 (bestiality, compelling, in presence of or by child), (E) subsection 212(1) (procuring), (F) section 221 (causing bodily harm by criminal negligence), (G) subsection 249(3) (dangerous operation causing bodily harm), (H) subsection 252(1.2) (offence involving bodily harm), (I) subsection 255(2) (impaired driving causing bodily harm), (J) section 264 (criminal harassment), (K) section 267 (assault with a weapon or causing bodily harm), (L) section 271 (sexual assault), (M) section 279 (kidnapping, forcible confinement), (N) section 279.02 (trafficking in persons — material benefit), (O) section 281 (abduction of person under 14), (P) section 282 (abduction in contravention of custody order), (Q) section 283 (abduction), (R) paragraph 334( a) (theft),(S) subsections 342(1) and (3) (theft, forgery of credit card, unauthorized use of credit card data), (T) paragraph 348(1)( e) (breaking and entering with intent, committing offence or breaking out),(U) section 349 (being unlawfully in dwelling-house), (V) section 354 (possession of property obtained by crime), (W) section 382 (fraudulent manipulation of stock exchange transactions), (X) subsection 382.1(1) (prohibited insider trading), (Y) section 396 (offences in relation to mines), (Z) section 400 (false prospectus), (Z.1) section 403 (personation with intent), (Z.2) section 424.1 (threat against United Nations or associated personnel), (Z.3) section 435 (arson for fraudulent purpose), and (Z.4) section 465 (conspiracy), (iv) an offence under any of the following provisions of the Criminal Code, chapter C-34 of the Revised Statutes of Canada, 1970, as they read immediately before January 4, 1983: (A) section 145 (attempt to commit rape), and (B) section 156 (indecent assault on male), (v) an offence under any of the following provisions of the Controlled Drugs and Substances Act:(A) section 5 (trafficking), (B) section 6 (importing and exporting), and (C) section 7 (production), (vi) an offence under any of the following provisions of the Food and Drugs Act, as they read immediately before the coming into force of section 64 of the Controlled Drugs and Substances Act:(A) section 39 (trafficking in controlled drugs), (B) section 44.2 (possession of property obtained by trafficking in controlled drugs), (C) section 44.3 (laundering proceeds of trafficking in controlled drugs), (D) section 48 (trafficking in restricted drugs), (E) section 50.2 (possession of property obtained by trafficking in restricted drugs), and (F) section 50.3 (laundering proceeds of trafficking in restricted drugs), and (vii) an offence under any of the following provisions of the Narcotic Control Act, as they read immediately before the coming into force of section 64 of the Controlled Drugs and Substances Act:(A) section 19.1 (possession of property obtained by certain offences), and (B) section 19.2 (laundering proceeds of certain offences).”
June 6, 2006 Passed That the Bill be now read a second time and referred to the Standing Committee on Justice and Human Rights.

Criminal CodeGovernment Orders

May 29th, 2006 / 4:25 p.m.

Liberal

John McKay Liberal Scarborough—Guildwood, ON

Mr. Speaker, the government would like to believe, notwithstanding the propagandists on the other side, that Canada is being inundated with crime and therefore we need to take extraordinary measures to deal with this scourge on our society. The truth, however, is far removed from the propaganda. The propaganda says that crime is up. The truth is that crime is down. The propaganda says--

Criminal CodeGovernment Orders

May 29th, 2006 / 4:25 p.m.

Gary Goodyear

Got any more verbs in that speech of yours?

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May 29th, 2006 / 4:25 p.m.

Conservative

James Bezan Conservative Selkirk—Interlake, MB

That is propaganda?

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May 29th, 2006 / 4:25 p.m.

Gary Goodyear

Do you have the results from last week?

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May 29th, 2006 / 4:25 p.m.

Liberal

John McKay Liberal Scarborough—Guildwood, ON

The propaganda--

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May 29th, 2006 / 4:30 p.m.

The Acting Speaker Andrew Scheer

Order. I cannot hear the hon. member for Scarborough--Guildwood because of the noise coming from, I have to say, largely the government side of the House. I would ask all members to allow the member for Scarborough--Guildwood to finish his speech in a way that we can all hear him.

Criminal CodeGovernment Orders

May 29th, 2006 / 4:30 p.m.

Liberal

John McKay Liberal Scarborough—Guildwood, ON

Mr. Speaker, I can see that the propagandists are out in full force. They would do credit to the communist party.

The propaganda is that crime is up in Toronto, the community which I come from, and it is overwhelmed by criminal activity. In fact, by any and every standard of measurement, crime is declining in every category. That is the truth.

This is politics pure and simple. When truth and propaganda collide, truth is a casualty. Even when the so-called law and order crowd, and my friends opposite would identify with that, is confronted directly with statistics that show that in every category crime is down, that crowd lapses into the rope a dope nonsense that statistics lie, et cetera. It is really quite pathetic because the propagandists will not deal with the truth.

We have here Bill C-9, an act to amend the Criminal Code (conditional sentence of imprisonment). The bar is set quite high here, unlike the propaganda. The propaganda says that Canada is having a crime wave and more criminals need to be doing hard time. If that is true, why does the bill only deal with offences prosecuted by way of indictment for which the maximum term of imprisonment is 10 years or more? If we are being inundated by a crime wave, surely we should be lowering that bar, not raising it.

This hardly speaks to a so-called crime wave. One, there has to be a conviction, something that the law and order crowd frequently forgets. Two, if convicted, there has to be an exposure to a sentence in excess of 10 years. Three, the crown has to elect to proceed by way of indictment.

This is a very high bar of offences. Because it is so high, there are therefore very few charges to which the bill could possibly apply. It is the old bait and switch technique. It would be seen to be basic if the government would at least put on the table the number of offences to which this particular amendment to the Criminal Code might apply.

The propaganda repeats ad nauseam that there is a crime wave, that it is out of control and something must be done. Members of the public become convinced because they are repeatedly told that there is a crime wave, that it is out of control and that something must be done. What is that something; what will rein in this catastrophic crime wave? Is it Bill C-9? Canada would be so much safer after the passage of Bill C-9.

Does anyone know the pool of persons who are to be prosecuted by way of indictment and are liable to imprisonment for a period of 10 years or more and would have received a conditional sentence? Does any representative of the government know what is the pool of individuals who would be exposed to Bill C-9? Does anyone have a number for this, or is it just more smoke and mirrors from the propaganda crowd?

The bill invites us to believe two things: one, that there is a crime wave going on in Canada; and two, that all of the judges have taken leave of their senses.

For the purposes of putting some facts into the debate, I will read section 718 of the Criminal Code. For the hon. members opposite who have probably never read section 718, these are the principles by which a judge imposes a sentence. It starts:

The fundamental purpose of sentencing is to contribute, along with crime prevention initiatives, to respect for the law and the maintenance of a just, peaceful and safe society by imposing just sanctions that have one or more of the following objectives:

(a) to denounce unlawful conduct;

(b) to deter the offender and other persons from committing offences;

I am reading slowly for members opposite. It goes on:

(c) to separate offenders from society, where necessary;

(d) to assist in rehabilitating offenders;

(e) to provide reparation for harm done to victims or to the community; and

(f) to promote a sense of responsibility in offenders and acknowledgement of harm done to victims or to the community.

That is followed by subsection 718.1, which states that:

A sentence must be proportionate to the gravity of the offence and the degree of responsibility of the offender.

That is followed by subsection 718.2 which states that a court that imposes a sentence shall also take into consideration certain facts that may increase or reduce any sentence imposed for any relevant, aggravating or mitigating circumstances and sets out what the aggravating circumstances might be such as:

(b) a sentence should be similar to sentences imposed on similar offenders committed in similar circumstances;

(c) where consecutive sentences are imposed, the combined sentence should not be unduly long or harsh;

(d) an offender should not be deprived of liberty, if less restrictive sanctions may be appropriate in the circumstances; and

Finally, it states:

(e) all available sanctions other than imprisonment that are reasonable in the circumstances should be considered for all offenders, with particular attention to the circumstances of aboriginal offenders.

To be able to support the bill, we really have to believe that the judges have taken leave of their sentences.

I know members opposite may have been bored with the reading of that but, nevertheless, it is always good to set some context for the review of the bill. Regardless of one's views on the bill, one would have to say that section 718 is quite a comprehensive set of sentencing guidelines.

The government wants us to believe that Canada's judges are not smart enough to have read section 718. Alternatively, if they have read section 718, they are not smart enough to apply it. I do not know what members think about Canada's judges, but not smart enough is not one of the things that comes readily to mind. Regardless of whether one is left wing, or right wing or no wing at all, not smart enough is simply not applicable.

At one point in their lives, these judges have graduated from university, sometimes with one degree, sometimes with two. They have graduated from a law school. They have gone to a bar admission court. They have put in at least 10 years' in the practice of law. Not smart? I do not think so. Therefore, the bill invites us to believe that a judge did not apply his or her mind to the section 718 principles and did not consider whether the sentence should be served inside or outside of a jail.

These judges, having listened to all the evidence, having listened to and read the pre-sentence report, having heard submissions from the Crown and defence, are, according the propagandists opposite, in a poorer position than others to apply a sentence.

If somehow members think we should sentence by what we read in tomorrow's newspapers, they are welcome to that belief. For me, I will be prepared to accept that Canada's judges have read section 718, have applied their minds to section 718 and have given serious consideration as to whether a sentence should be served inside a jail or outside.

I am satisfied that Canada's judges get it. All the bill accomplishes is a fettering of a discretion on a minimal number of cases to pander to a non-existent problem. The judges are smart, they do get it and there is no crime wave, in spite of the propaganda.

One might say “what's the harm”, that it is a small number of people, that judges can do what they want and that it really is no big deal. I would like to remind all members in this chamber that we have a justice system. It is a justice system, not a sentencing system. It requires the application of justice to the convicted person. It is not a cookie-cutter system. It requires thought, knowledge and sometimes real agony on the part of the judge.

We have heard the law of physics which says that for every action there is an equal and opposite reaction. While law is not as precise as physics, the bill would set up some perverse equal and opposite reactions.

The first reaction is that probably more people will go to jail. For some, that is a wonderful consequence, at least until they get the bill. I heard one member say that it was $50,000 per year. I thought it was $100,000 per year. Regardless of whether it is $50,000 or $100,000 per year, an inmate does not take long to rack up quite a bill of millions, if not hundreds of millions of dollars.

For those who like to “hang 'em high and hang 'em longer”, this may be quite satisfying. To those who have to think about allocation of scarce resources, jailing people who could probably do their time outside jail just as well as they could inside jail can lead to the blowing of a budget quite rapidly.

The bill would scoop up people it never intended to scoop up. The welfare mom or dad convicted of fraud cannot be given a conditional sentence because it carries a penalty of over 10 years and because the Crown proceeded by way of indictment. We can all self-righteously say that he or she should be in jail, but who looks after the kids? Mom or dad are in jail at $100,000 a year plus the local children's aid society has to look after the kids. Not only is it expensive, but in all likelihood it will create our next generation of criminals.

Speaking of that, what increases recidivism? A spell in jail or a conditional sentence? Is there a greater likelihood of returning to crime after jail or after a conditional sentence where there is mandatory treatment, community service, house arrest, curfew and counselling? What is a better bet to prevent repeat offending? What about the unique offender populations? Does curfew and house arrest work better or does jail?

The bill is so crude and so poorly thought out. My colleague called it a legislative hammer where a legislative scalpel would do. When we bring in the propaganda of the ideology and we are committed, of course we go with a legislative hammer.

Instead of referring the bill to the justice committee at first reading so it could study it and Parliament could work collaboratively, the government wants to ram the bill through regardless of the facts. As Columbo might say, “Just the facts, ma'am, just the facts”. The government does not want to listen to the facts about the so-called crime wave. The government does not want to listen to the facts about sentencing. The government does not want to listen to the facts about recidivism. Certainly, the government does not want to listen to the facts about the unintended consequences of the bill.

It looks like a pattern and it probably is a pattern. The bill is typical of the government. It has no interest in the facts or in public policy. It is only interested in propaganda. As a propaganda bill, this is a very successful bill.

Criminal CodeGovernment Orders

May 29th, 2006 / 4:45 p.m.

The Acting Speaker Andrew Scheer

Pursuant to Standing Order 38, it is my duty to inform the House that the questions to be raised tonight at the time of adjournment are as follows: the hon. member for Acadie—Bathurst, Employment Insurance; the hon. member for Brant, the Environment.

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May 29th, 2006 / 4:45 p.m.

Conservative

Gary Goodyear Conservative Cambridge, ON

Mr. Speaker, I have only been here for two years so I can only comment on the last two years. Never in my short time in the House have I heard so much of what I would like to call propaganda, but it is worse than that. The member opposite stood up and actually suggested that we should not be in the business of putting forward sentences.

I remind the member that when he was in government, and thank goodness he no longer is, Bill C-48, Bill C-49 and Bill C-50 dealt with the terms of various criminal activity. For example, the Liberal government suggested that we have a 10-year sentence for illegally importing artifacts. The next bill suggested five years for human smuggling. First, both of those bills dealt with sentencing and that is where the old government put its priorities in terms of protecting humans.

Last week I met with the insurance industry for Canada. It suggested that the crime rate with respect to stealing cars was what was causing the folks in Ontario to pay so much for insurance. I guess that is propaganda. Could the hon. member comment on whether he is calling the insurance industry's statistics propaganda.

For the families in my riding, could the hon. member comment on the four members of a gang who raced down another member and hacked him to death in front of innocent citizens. The convicted got 19 months, and it was not just house arrest. Let us call it was it is. He was sent home to watch DVDs, drink beer and eat popcorn. We have all heard about that.

Finally, would he comment on the sex attack in Guelph, Ontario, where an employer attacked his 15-year-old staff member and the judge said that he would not send the man to jail because it was Christmas, it would be embarrassing. How about that? Could we get a comment from the member on that propaganda?

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May 29th, 2006 / 4:45 p.m.

Liberal

John McKay Liberal Scarborough—Guildwood, ON

Mr. Speaker, if I look at my insurance bill, it is down this year. Therefore, I cannot comment on the statistics of the insurance industry that always seems to be able to bring up statistics to suit the increase in its premiums.

I would recommend to the hon. member that in all instances where he cites specific cases, that he sit in the court room, that he weigh the evidence, that he listen to the Crown and the defence, that he go through the defence process and then find out whether this is an appropriate sentence to fit the crime.

We have in the country a justice system and it is not just about us. It is about appropriate sentencing in appropriate instances to suit the offence. We have the best justice system in the world. We have among the lowest recidivism rates of anywhere. We have crime rates declining in all categories in virtually all communities.

Therefore, the bill is a propaganda bill. It starts out as a propaganda bill, it is a propaganda bill and it will end as one.

Criminal CodeGovernment Orders

May 29th, 2006 / 4:45 p.m.

Liberal

Roger Valley Liberal Kenora, ON

Mr. Speaker, the members over there would have us believe that crime is up and we know that it is not true. Crime is down. One of the effects of their propaganda is that it is terrifying our elderly residents, creating fear, scaring residents and is creating a basis for something that is not true.

We go door to door and see our constituents. Could the member let us know about the fear that is being falsely created? The Conservatives carry on with the propaganda machine they have set up. How does it affect the residents in the member's riding? It affects the ones in mine, and it is unnecessary.

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May 29th, 2006 / 4:50 p.m.

Liberal

John McKay Liberal Scarborough—Guildwood, ON

Mr. Speaker, during the break week I had the privilege of going through my community which has been identified by the United Way as having among the poorest postal codes in the country. Many people in one or two places in my riding do not have incomes because of many factors, one primarily being immigration, but other factors as well. There is a direct correlation between poverty and crime. People can buy a $2 million house in my riding and be living literally cheque to cheque.

The member is right. There has been an escalation of fear while the facts have gone the other way. As we go door to door there is a concern but at the same time we have excellent policing and very active judges in Toronto. We have a factual, statistical, provable reality that shows crime is declining. Frankly, this bill and the one to follow it will do absolutely nothing on the issue of recidivism. It will do nothing for the fear that Canadians have, rightly or wrongly. It will not contribute in any way to the actual lessening of crime in our community.

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May 29th, 2006 / 4:50 p.m.

NDP

Wayne Marston NDP Hamilton East—Stoney Creek, ON

Mr. Speaker, last week I met with the chief of police in Hamilton and he was very pleased to tell me that major crime in Hamilton was down. In fact, the chief's major concern was about the tinkering with the gun registry and the damage that could potentially have on the community.

Does the member not agree that there must be a better way of addressing the situation than to just go out and set mandatory sentences that will put us in a position where we are second guessing our judges at every turn? The court system in Canada is well respected around the world. Our magistrates and justices are well respected. It seems very strange that the government does not respect our justice system.

Criminal CodeGovernment Orders

May 29th, 2006 / 4:50 p.m.

Liberal

John McKay Liberal Scarborough—Guildwood, ON

Mr. Speaker, the member asks an intriguing question. I also have days where I wonder why there is such disrespect for a justice system that is so obviously working. As I said earlier, the judges are of the highest quality. The police are well-equipped and well-staffed. They are, by and large, free of corruption, which is not true in other countries. We have some of the lowest crime rates of any place in the world. Our recidivism rates are among the lowest and frequently declining. We have all kinds of facilities and yet the government comes along with these minimum mandatory laws.

I sat on the justice committee for six years. I would like to say that minimum mandatories and conditional sentences work. If that were the magic bullet would we not have jumped all over it in the past six years? The problem is that they do not work. There is no evidence to support that minimum mandatories actually reduce crime. Just like this bill, there is no evidence to support that it will reduce crime.

We have this distortion of priorities, which is to put everyone who commits a crime in jail at a huge amount of money on an annual basis and we will all feel a lot better. What happened to that $1 million, $10 million or hundreds of millions which the government has not come clean on? What happens to all that money? It sure does not go into policing or into legal aid. It sure does not go into improvements in the justice system or into any diversionary programs. It does not do anything that would actually deal with the problem of crime in our communities.

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May 29th, 2006 / 4:50 p.m.

Conservative

Ed Fast Conservative Abbotsford, BC

Mr. Speaker, before I put my question I must share the sentiments of my colleague who spoke a few minutes ago. I am flabbergasted. I have never heard a defence of the indefensible as I have heard from the hon. member just now, which is probably why Canadians voted the corrupt Liberals out of office. The Liberals had totally run out of ideas and they lacked a sense of what the country needed, especially in the area of justice reform.

I encourage the member to visit with the residents of my community of Abbotsford and explain to them why we have rampant grow ops, why we have meth labs throughout our community and why the incidence of gun crime has been increasing at a rapid rate.

What is so common with the Liberals is that they selectively take statistics, twist those statistics, especially for lesser offences, and build a flimsy case, but they do not reflect the reality of what is happening in Canada.

Given that the member denies that Canada has a crime problem, will he confirm that his party is satisfied with the status quo?