Yes.
Chair, the clerk has this amendment in both official languages and will distribute it to colleagues.
As well, for my colleagues opposite, we made a slight change to two of our amendments that are similar and deal with age. He'll also be distributing those. We also have hard copies in both official language for consideration.
I move that Bill C-3, in clause 1, be amended by adding after line 9 on page 2 the following:
(4.1) Subsection 3(2) of the Act is replaced by the following:
(2) Paragraph (1)(a) does not apply to a person if, at the time of their birth, neither of their parents was a citizen, lawfully admitted to Canada for permanent residence or a protected person under the Immigration and Refugee Protection Act.
I'll briefly outline my rationale as this is being distributed.
Bill C-3, the bill before us, fundamentally alters how citizenship by descent is applied to Canada. The reason why I have proposed this amendment is that a decade of the Liberals' high levels of immigration has profoundly altered Canada's immigration system and the landscape around it. In this context, Canada's unrestricted jus soli policy, the granting of citizenship to anyone born here, even temporary residents' children, presents several major problems.
For starters, the status quo presents obvious challenges as immigration levels have outpaced housing, health care and job growth. This has led to social tensions, but the problems go far beyond these concerns. For a decade, the Liberals have operationalized the philosophy of postnationalism, asserting that there is no shared Canadian identity, while simultaneously bringing newcomers in at a rate at which integrating them into Canada's social and economic fabric has become challenging. The result of this coupling of misguided policy and poor management of the immigration system has led to the breaking of Canada's long-held immigration consensus, and confusion over the responsibilities associated with Canadian citizenship. Anti-immigrant sentiment is also shamefully on the rise as Canadians mistakenly blame those who recently came to Canada instead of the Liberal government's abysmally broken postnational immigration system.
These postnational Liberal policies have sent a message that there is no need for Canadian citizens to defend shared Canadian pluralistic values like freedom of conscience and religion, freedom of thought and belief, freedom of association and the equality of men and women. These practices have also virtually eliminated the expectation that anyone seeking to become a Canadian needs to abandon any violent, extreme or hateful prejudices they may have once held and contribute to the nation. Said differently, colleagues, the government has, through a postnationalist and large-scale or mass immigration policy, brought into question the intrinsic value of Canadian citizenship. Without immediate reversal, this philosophy risks permanently breaking Canada's peaceful pluralism and long-standing consensus for immigration—and so you have the amendment before you today. This is why I've moved it.
Today, there are millions of people living in Canada on temporary visas, comprising an astonishing 7% of the country's population, a situation never before seen in Canadian history. There are another estimated 500,000 undocumented persons living in Canada, as well as 300,000 people in the asylum queue, many of whom will have bogus claims.
Many of the millions of temporary residents are set to have their visas expire or have visas that already expired. In this context, colleagues, it's not much of a stretch to foresee that Canada's practice of having no restrictions on jus soli citizenship acquisition is likely to be abused by people seeking to stay in the country after their visa expires or after a bogus asylum claim is found to be invalid. This is because, while having a child on Canadian soil theoretically grants no immediate stay rights to parents who are temporary residents, in practice, court rulings, a deeply broken asylum system, protracted appeals and sluggish deportations functionally allow them to remain. Recent videos, especially ones circulating over this weekend on social media advertising this loophole, suggests this may be the case.
The number of people born in Canada to temporary or undocumented residents is not publicly tracked, but recent policies by Canadian hospitals charging temporary residents for giving birth suggest it is a problem, and birth tourism, the practice of non-residents, for example those on visitor visas, travelling to Canada to have their child on Canadian soil so they can obtain citizenship, is also on the rise.
When former prime minister Stephen Harper left office in 2015, birth tourism levels were 590% lower than they are today. Birth tourism is now at its highest level ever, both in terms of absolute levels and percentages. These types of population growth are not accounted for in immigration levels. In this context, Canada is an outlier in granting unconditional birthright citizenship and should move into alignment with peer nations like the U.K. and Germany, which are also experiencing unprecedented immigration crises.
What I have in front of you today, colleagues, is to restrict birthright citizenship to permanent residents—at least one parent being a permanent resident or a citizen. This would align Canada with other peer nations and would somehow.... I don't support Bill C-3, but it could restore the value of Canadian citizenship, which has been eroded over the last 10 years.
Colleagues, without changes to the current unrestricted system of birthright citizenship, as well as with the federal government's relatively porous border policies, Canada risks inviting further organized birth tourism and immigration fraud, as well as further clogging an overwhelmed processing and appeals pipeline.
Being a Canadian should mean something to someone who acquires it and that meaning should be derived from significant enough ties to our nation that a deep understanding of the responsibilities associated with being Canadian becomes joyfully entrenched within a new citizen's fibre. Canadian immigration law and policy should vigorously protect that principle and not erode it.
I think that scrapping the bill in front of us would be a good place to start, but it needs to be severely amended. We are going to be proposing other smart amendments to this bill to protect the value of Canadian citizenship today.
Folks, the decade of unfettered mass immigration, the further erosion of our citizenship through bills like this, and an entrenched and operationalized postnationalist viewpoint from this government have led to a lot of people not understanding what being a Canadian is. Frankly, we see that in the minister of national identity. The minister of national identity said there's no one way to be a Canadian. He didn't talk about respect for rule of law or protecting democratic institutions.
We have a former prime minister who said that Canada's a postnational state. The current Prime Minister could only define Canada as not being American. If these are the leaders of our country, we have a problem with how we obtain citizenship.
If Bill C-3 is to proceed, I believe that we should proceed by restricting birthright citizenship to at least one parent having permanent residence or citizenship and move ourselves into alignment with other peer nations.
Thank you.