Subcommittee on International Human Rights Committee on Oct. 1st, 2024

[Yonah Diamond]

The UAE, as you note, still remains among the top 20 importers of Canadian military exports, and so, yes, there's a lot that Canada can do to end this—at least put pressure on the UAE so that Canada's weapons don't become complicit in these crimes in Sudan.

Under the Arms Trade Treaty obligations, the purpose is to prevent and eradicate the illicit trade of arms. Canada is a state party. It ratified the convention and enshrined it in domestic law, but this also requires oversight by Parliament. You can't just rely on the minister to end all permits until the UAE proves that it is not sending these weapons to areas of genocide. Unlike other situations, these transfers may further breach, as we talked about, the UN arms embargo. There's already a UN arms embargo, so there are plenty of legal grounds to bar the flow of arms to the UAE—

[Garnett Genuis, Conservative, Sherwood Park—Fort Saskatchewan, AB]

Can I just jump in? I have limited time.

Not exporting Canadian arms to the UAE is one recommendation. What other steps would you suggest to apply pressure to the UAE? I should mention that Egypt as well is believed to be supporting the other side of the conflict, and Egypt is a country that we have a much warmer relationship with, in general, than some of the other belligerent supporters.

[Yonah Diamond]

Yes, but in terms of the UAE, we know the evidence is a lot more solid, and it's supporting a side that is committing mass killing, massacring non-Arab groups and committing mass rape and sexual and gender-based violence against members of these communities based on their identity.

The House can also pass a motion outlining and calling for ceasing the transfer of arms per this legislation, in the same way that the House passed motion No. 658, ending the arms exports to Israel and Hamas. I understand that's not binding, but at least that is something that might get the ball rolling on this initiative to end arms transfers to the UAE until they end their support for the RSF.

It's one thing for the government to claim arms aren't being exported, but we need more parliamentary oversight if the UAE continues to be among the top 20 importers of our military goods.

[Garnett Genuis, Conservative, Sherwood Park—Fort Saskatchewan, AB]

Which other players that are contributing to the conflict should we be paying attention to?

[The Chair, Liberal, Fayçal El-Khoury]

Mr. Genuis, the time is up.

Mr. Diamond, please take just a few seconds to answer.

[Yonah Diamond]

We mentioned some of the other actors. Amnesty International put out a report. Others have put out reports. The UN panel of experts is continuing to monitor this. In Russia, there's the Wagner Group, and there are China, Turkey, Iran and Serbia. However, the state that we have been following most closely, and the one where most of the entities that have been sanctioned already are based, is the UAE, which is supporting the RSF. We've heard in our own diplomatic discussions that without the UAE support, the RSF would collapse.

The UAE is probably the biggest exporter of conflict on the continent, so we need to increase the pressure and actually focus on imposing costs on the UAE so that it is not allowed to get away with this.

[The Chair, Liberal, Fayçal El-Khoury]

Mr. Brunelle-Duceppe, you have seven minutes.

[Alexis Brunelle-Duceppe, Bloc, Lac-Saint-Jean, QC]

Thank you, Mr. Chair.

I'd like to thank Ms. Langlois and Mr. Diamond for being here with us.

Ms. Langlois, we've heard a few recommendations from various parties, but could you share with us Amnesty International's most concrete recommendations regarding the currently escalating conflict in Sudan? The committee would appreciate that.

[France-Isabelle Langlois]

Thank you, Mr. Brunelle‑Duceppe.

There's no silver bullet. Canada claims to be a champion of human rights at the United Nations and on the international stage. It must therefore lead the way in renewing the fact-finding mission's mandate in Sudan. It must also push to extend the UN arms embargo to the entire country. Most importantly, Canada's resources and political influence must be used to get aid to those who need it. Only a coordinated international response and unrelenting pressure on the combatants, who are blocking and restricting access to life-saving aid at this time, can prevent the imminent mass famine and alleviate the suffering of millions. We cannot overemphasize that millions of people are suffering terribly right now and are at risk of becoming victims of war crimes and crimes against humanity. Canada and its international partners must therefore bring their full weight to bear to exert pressure and implement concrete solutions.

I'll reiterate what I said about the arms embargo. There is an embargo, but it's not working. It must be made effective. All the allies in the region are knowingly arming Sudan, the parts of Sudan experiencing conflict. Indirect arms sales are being made to other states, which then transfer the weapons. Sometimes, several states may be involved in that activity. It is therefore very important for Canada to ensure that the weapons and parts it sells are sold to countries that absolutely will not transfer weapons or parts, even non-lethal ones, to Sudan.

[Alexis Brunelle-Duceppe, Bloc, Lac-Saint-Jean, QC]

Thank you very much for those clarifications, Ms. Langlois.

Among other things, you said that Canada should put pressure on the UN. This conflict did not start two weeks ago. It's been going for a while. We saw it coming. It developed, and since then it has only grown and gotten worse. Sudan is experiencing one of the worst famines of this century. So this is nothing new.

As a Quebec sovereignist, I'm telling you that Canada has a history when it comes to international human rights. We can think of Lester B. Pearson, or Brian Mulroney, who opposed apartheid.

My question is for both witnesses. Either one of you may know the answer. To your knowledge, has the ambassador and permanent representative of Canada to the UN, Bob Rae, made any representations regarding the conflict in Sudan? Have you heard anything from Mr. Rae?

[France-Isabelle Langlois]

We haven't heard anything recently.

Right now, we understand that the attention of states, including Canada, is focused on the conflict between Israel and Hamas. It's a terrible conflict. There is also the conflict in Ukraine and other conflicts around the world. It is important to keep an eye on all conflicts and to have a coherent policy based on our policies and positions.

It is time for Canada to get its act together and once again become the champion of human rights on the international stage.

[Alexis Brunelle-Duceppe, Bloc, Lac-Saint-Jean, QC]

So what we know at the moment is that Canada's ambassador to the UN has not taken any action regarding the conflict in Sudan. I asked you the question and you answered that you had not heard about it. Maybe we'll do some research on our end. Some action may have been taken, but not to your knowledge, and Amnesty International is calling for greater pressure on our UN partners.

Mr. Diamond, in response to a question earlier, you said that one of the problems had to do with the processing times for people who want to leave Sudan for Canada. When I was deputy chair of the Special Committee on Afghanistan, we included in our report a recommendation that Immigration, Refugees and Citizenship Canada, or IRCC, should have a permanent emergency mechanism to act quickly in the event of an international crisis, be it an armed conflict or a natural disaster. In the case of Afghanistan, it took months, if not years, to bring people to Canada.

Do you think this mechanism, which is still not in place and was promised by Mr. Fraser and Mr. Miller, should be created to help us respond to this type of crisis?

[Yonah Diamond]

I would say yes to any sort of emergency program that will open the doors to Sudanese people displaced from conflict. These are the most vulnerable people in the world, you know. They can't go back. These are survivors of genocide who have lost family members and who are often emaciated to the bone. It's horrific, and they don't have anywhere else to go. You know, the largest displacement crisis in the world demands this sort of program. It's beyond belief that there isn't one.

[The Chair, Liberal, Fayçal El-Khoury]

Thank you.

Your time is up, Mr. Brunelle-Duceppe.

I invite Mr. Johns to take the floor for seven minutes, please.

[Gord Johns, NDP, Courtenay—Alberni, BC]

Thank you very much, Mr. Chair.

I want to thank Mr. Diamond and Ms. Langlois for the incredible work that they and their organizations do on behalf of people around the world.

The data shows that only about half of the 2024 Sudan humanitarian response plan is actually funded, with $1.34 billion U.S. in unmet funding needs. To date, Canada's contribution to this plan represents 1.6% of funding commitments, despite our much larger share of the global economy. Do you believe Canada needs to increase its financial commitments to trusted humanitarian partners operating in Sudan and encourage other donors to do the same? Also, maybe you can comment on how the government's cuts to Canada's international assistance budget during a time of rising global violence, hunger and suffering are impacting our reputation as an international human rights leader.

I'll start with you, Mr. Diamond.

[Yonah Diamond]

Humanitarian aid is the primary responsibility that Canada needs to ramp up its support for, and then complement that with real policies to get that aid to the groups that have proven effective after the revolution: youth-led movements and mutual aid groups on the ground that are often more effective than international aid groups. The funding also needs to be distributed in a way that's effective and supports the heroic work of the people on the ground.

[Gord Johns, NDP, Courtenay—Alberni, BC]

Ms. Langlois, do you care to add anything on that question?

[France-Isabelle Langlois]

On the one hand, Canadian international assistance is always insufficient, generally speaking. We are failing to meet our commitment.

On the other hand, when it comes to such crises, we should never skimp on humanitarian aid. So, to answer your question simply, it is indeed insufficient.

[Gord Johns, NDP, Courtenay—Alberni, BC]

Thank you.

There are reports of sexual violence that have highlighted the conflict's disproportionate impact on women and girls, with ongoing allegations of rape, forced marriages, sexual slavery and trafficking, particularly in Khartoum, Darfur and Kordofan. The UN Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs has warned that, as many civilians flee these conflict areas, both within Sudan and in neighbouring countries, women face increased vulnerabilities.

How can international efforts better address the specific vulnerabilities of women and girls in conflict zones in Sudan, and what measures could be taken to prevent sexual violence in areas where civilians are fleeing conflict?

Ms. Langlois, if you want to lead, go ahead. I'm happy to take more comments from Mr. Diamond as well.

[France-Isabelle Langlois]

That's a very big question you're asking.

The issue of sexual violence against women and girls is a huge problem that is seen around the world in all conflicts, and has been since time immemorial.

What we can do at the moment is provide real humanitarian assistance to women and girls who are currently victims of sexual violence.

Again, I think Canada can engage in this and play a leadership role, not only in the current crisis but in general, to address this issue that is part of the conflicts. In addition, oversight mechanisms must be put in place. Then, of course, there's the whole issue of training the belligerent forces of the known and well-managed national armies. However, it is a long journey.

That said, Canada can play a very important role. Of course, people who commit these crimes need to be prosecuted and convicted.

[Gord Johns, NDP, Courtenay—Alberni, BC]

Thank you.

Mr. Diamond, you also talked about the 12 million to 13 million people who could die from famine. Your brief says, “The International Crisis Group reports that Sudan is experiencing a severe humanitarian crisis, with famine imminent and nearly 90% of those facing acute food insecurity trapped in conflict zones such as Greater Khartoum, Gezira, and El Fasher. Both the Sudanese Armed Forces and Rapid Support Forces are obstructing aid delivery, with the Sudanese Armed Forces denying UN agencies permission to deliver assistance in RSF-controlled areas where hunger is most severe.”

Can you talk about the latest information on the obstruction of aid delivery in Sudan and how it can be addressed? What more can Canada do?

[Yonah Diamond]

That's an excellent question.

It's catastrophic. Reuters also put out a special report on this. As we mentioned, Canada can seek to lead efforts at the UN to remove the consent of the state. A lot of times, countries say that Sudan has the right and that we need its consent, but there's no governing party right now. There's no effective legitimate leader right now who can lay claim to this.

This is a problem of international scope that demands our responsibility to protect civilians in the areas you mentioned, and the removal of obstacles or impediments to letting the trucks go through. This is something Canada and the House can demand—that the requirement for consent of state be removed—because these people are starving to death. It makes no sense to allow the Sudanese Armed Forces to continue blocking that aid. It's the same with the RSF.

I also want to quickly clarify something, because it sounds like there is some confusion in the room around it. Sudan is a massive country. The reason you hear about Darfur a lot is that the situation in Darfur is quite different. The RSF controls most of the region. In north Darfur, there's only one SAF garrison left and joint forces fighting off the RSF's siege. I talked about the RSF atrocities and the UAE's support for them. It's continuing the genocide and massacres of the Massalit, Fur and Zaghawa peoples. The UN found that 81% of the rape and sexual violence was committed by the RSF.

The conflict has to be understood. It's not simply two belligerents. They are committing different sorts of crimes. Whereas the SAF, like I said, is blocking the aid and potentially contributing to deaths by starvation and committing air strikes and war crimes, killing civilians in that context—

[The Chair, Liberal, Fayçal El-Khoury]

Mr. Diamond, could you wrap it up, please? Your time has been exceeded by almost one minute.

Thank you.

[Yonah Diamond]

Yes. Thank you.

I want to say that the focus is on Darfur. These are survivors of genocide from 20 years ago who are now facing it again. It's a different nature of threat and vulnerability.

[The Chair, Liberal, Fayçal El-Khoury]

Thank you, Mr. Johns.

I would now like to invite Ms. Damoff to speak.