The House is on summer break, scheduled to return Sept. 15
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Crucial Fact

  • His favourite word was oshawa.

Last in Parliament April 2025, as Conservative MP for Oshawa (Ontario)

Won his last election, in 2021, with 40% of the vote.

Statements in the House

Privilege November 1st, 2024

Mr. Speaker, this is something we do not want to be debating. It is the corruption of this government, and my colleague mentioned that 1,000 homes could be built in his riding. In Oshawa, people are suffering.

A supporter, Franco Terrazzano from the Canadian Taxpayers Federation, sent me a note and I want my colleague's comment on this. Global Affairs is now spending $51,000 a month on alcohol, so that is $600,000 a year on booze. This seems to be business as usual for the Liberals and the government.

I want to ask my colleague this: Is it not about time that we axed the tax so we can build more homes, fix that budget finally, and of course, stop the horrible crime that this government is basically enabling around the country?

Privilege October 23rd, 2024

Mr. Speaker, I am really glad the member asked me that because it shows how out of touch these Liberal elites are.

The Prime Minister put in a process where he is giving briefings to friends who have supported his corrupt government over the years. Our leader has taken a principled approach.

This member, who is heckling me, believes that only the elites of the Liberal Party or government leaders need to know which MPs are conflicted and being accused of foreign government interference. Our leader believes that all Canadians have that right. We are going to an election. Would they not like to know if the person they are voting for had a problem with government interference? Would they not like to know before they cast a vote?

The government and the member have been protecting members who may be compromised. Our leader wants to say no and to end the elitism. We want to allow all Canadians to know who those MPs are. If the Liberals just release the names, Canadians will know who to vote for in the next election. I think it is going to be pretty clear.

Privilege October 23rd, 2024

Mr. Speaker, my colleague brings an extremely important point forward. He says that it is our right, but I would argue with him, and I hate to argue with him because he is a great debater, that it is not just a right; it is an obligation.

I am from a community in Oshawa that is suffering right now. My community is wondering where the money is going. This green slush fund, remember, was supposed to be for greening Canada and making improvements to our environment. However, what we are seeing is literally millions of dollars going to Liberal-friendly elites. I could go on and on, and that is why I am not happy to be here tonight debating this. I have been here for 20 years, and our rights and privileges have to be protected.

The government has no respect for Parliament. The Prime Minister has no respect for the rules and no respect for the ethics that are supposed to be upheld in this sacred House. I am afraid that Canadians are losing confidence in our institutions, whether that is our government, our judicial system or our bureaucracies, and that is the danger we are in if we continue to support this corruption.

Privilege October 23rd, 2024

Mr. Speaker, my colleague is missing the entire point. If the government produces the documents, then we can move ahead.

However, the member seems to misinterpret what the strategy is. I enjoy my colleagues' speeches, but this is not a strategy. These are the rights of parliamentarians. We voted to have these documents brought to us, and that is a right of Parliament. Each and every one of our rights seems to be challenged by the government. We have to say, “When is it going to stop?”

I realize that the Bloc has voted for the government to keep them in power, but enough is enough. In my riding, people are sick and tired. I would welcome the Bloc members to take a stance because I think one of the best strategies for Canada and Quebec would be to change and get rid of this corrupt Liberal government.

Privilege October 23rd, 2024

Mr. Speaker, I cannot believe that question. This is very simple. If the member wants this to end, they just need to provide those documents.

To respond to the member, my speech was about the record number of scandals of any government we have ever had in Canada, and it was too hard to list them all. However, I will answer his question with what Andrew Coyne said in an article in The Globe and Mail. It reads:

Liberals have always been prone to being corrupted by power, but the current crop of Liberals are unique for being corrupted by their own virtue.

The preening moral vanity that is a signature of the...Liberals - the gratitude, as in the Pharisee’s prayer, that they are “not like other men” - is not, alas, an act. They truly believe it, to the point that they are literally incapable of conceiving of themselves doing wrong.

It isn’t only that they are surrounded by people like themselves, in other words: They are surrounded by people who think like them, and whose first thought at all times is that whatever it is they are thinking must be for the good.

The Liberals do not even recognize ethical breaches anymore. That question was evidence that the member did not listen to my speech.

Privilege October 23rd, 2024

Madam Speaker, as usual, I am very proud to rise this evening on behalf of the constituents of Oshawa to hold the government accountable for its Liberal corruption. I must say, though, that I am not rising with any pleasure this evening. I have been going back to my riding, trying to explain how the government has corrupted our institutions and corrupted how the government works. It really is a sad example of governance.

We all know that the Liberal Prime Minister could end this. He could end it by releasing the documents uncensored, so that Canadians could learn the truth about the $400-million Liberal green slush fund cover-up. We could be finished with this. However, the Prime Minister has continued the ongoing theme of corruption in his government by refusing to do so. More than 10,000 pages have been censored to cover up the most important information about the Prime Minister's hand-picked Liberal appointees to the green slush fund.

This theme of corruption has also been demonstrated by the Prime Minister's Liberal government through shutting down the rights of parliamentarians to receive certain information through Order Paper questions or through ATIPs. Our parliamentary privileges need to be protected. Our privileges are continually being breached by the corrupt Liberal government.

Today, I would like to address the importance of Parliament and parliamentarians receiving information that Canadians are demanding. The Liberals' scandals are too many to list. Liberal obstruction has become a rule instead of an exception. This past weekend, when I was in Oshawa, people were asking me how much longer they would have to put up with these continued scandals and misappropriation of their tax dollars. Their frustration is at a level that I have never, ever seen before. Oshawa wants to know where their tax dollars are going. Is the money being spent prudently? Are we getting the results that Canadians want and need right now? All we are asking for are the documents to show where the money went. We have all heard that if we want to understand what really happened, we have to follow the money.

Parliamentarians and Canadians have tools to hold our governments to account. One tool, as I mentioned, is access to information, or what people call ATIPs. This is where Canadians can ask for specific emails and follow the trail of money and how we spend their tax dollars. Sadly, the government routinely returns ATIPs sometimes fully redacted, covering up the information that Canadians have a right to know. A second tool that parliamentarians have is something called Order Paper questions, or OPQs. I have submitted several of these OPQs that were returned with incomplete answers and word salads that did not even make any sense. Third, as in this case, Parliament has rights and privileges. The House enjoys the absolute and unfettered power to order the production of documents that is not limited by statute. These powers are rooted in the Constitution Act of 1867 and the Parliament of Canada Act.

That brings us to our debate today. What brought us here? On June 10, the House adopted a motion calling for the production of various documents related to SDTC to be turned over to the RCMP for review. That is in the record. In response to the motion adopted, departments either outright refused the House order or redacted documents before turning them over, citing provisions in the Privacy Act or the Access to Information Act. Nothing in the House order contemplated these redactions.

In response to the failure to produce documents, the Conservative House leader raised a question of privilege, arguing that the House privilege had been breached, due to the failure to comply with the House order. On September 26, the Speaker issued a ruling on the question of privilege raised and found that the privileges of the House had, in fact, been breached.

Let us take a look at this. If this were a private affair and criminal activity were suspected, documents would be turned over and an investigation would be started. In this case, the Auditor General looked at a five-year period, and he found that an incredible 82% of the funding transactions approved by the board of directors were conflicted. This was only over part of the mandate; there could be more. Public office holders are entrusted to oversee taxpayer dollars and not to personally prosper from their work in government. Sadly, however, that is what happened, and the directors of the slush fund were unapologetic.

The minister had replaced the original chair because that chair was criticizing the program, and he put in his hand-picked director. One director was incredibly aggressive with the actions she took. This woman was appointed in 2016 by the Prime Minister, and her name is Andrée-Lise Méthot. She runs a venture capital firm called Cycle Capital in green technologies. Andrée-Lise Méthot's companies, before and during her time on the board, received $250 million in grants from SDTC. Some of that was before, and I will talk about that in a minute, but when she was on the board, $114 million went to green companies that she had invested in. During her time on the board, the value of her company, Cycle Capital, tripled because of getting an SDTC grant. This is a stamp of the Government of Canada's approval that allows for these companies to raise other funds. The House will never guess who her lobbyist was. Her in-house, paid lobbyist for 10 years was the current radical Minister of Environment, before he was elected. While he was lobbying for Cycle Capital, the minister got $111 million. That is incredible, but it is just the example of one director. According to the Auditor General, nine directors accounted for 186 conflicts.

I will speak about another board member who was hand-picked by the Prime Minister, Guy Ouimet. He admitted in committee that $17 million of green slush fund money went to companies that he had a financial interest in. He said it was a small amount of money. In Oshawa, we have people losing their jobs. We have people standing in lines at food banks, and the food banks run out of food before noon. We have seniors living four to a room. However, this hand-picked Liberal says $17 million is just a small amount of money. Our community finds that insulting. It may be a small amount of money to a Liberal elite, but it is not for most Canadians, and that amount of money went up 1,000% in value since the investment was made in 2019. It certainly pays to be a Liberal insider; unfortunately, Canadians, people in my community, are suffering now, and $17 million is not a small amount of money.

It is our job here in the House of Commons to expose the corruption and things we have authorized money for in Parliament. It is our job, and it is time the Liberals started caring about it. The challenge and the concern I have is that this corruption routine seems to have become ordinary business for the Liberal Party. It is why I feel that this is really a sad moment in Canadian history.

I would like to review a few things that Canadians may have forgotten about, some important things that have happened with the government that made Canadians start realizing that it was not business as usual.

We all remember the SNC-Lavalin affair. Unfortunately, the allegations of political interference led to criminal prosecution, and the Prime Minister's response and handling of the situation really impacted judicial independence and the rule of law. We will remember that when the Prime Minister's justice minister, Jody Wilson-Raybould, was asked to do something improper, she stood up to the Prime Minister and as a result was basically pushed out of cabinet and government. Ultimately, this resulted in a situation where three prominent female Liberals left. We are talking about Jody Wilson-Raybould, Jane Philpott, one of the more competent ministers of health, and my neighbour and friend Celina Caesar-Chavannes. She even wrote a book about it.

The way the Prime Minister interfered in this affair forced Canadians to look at their institutions and judge how they were functioning. The Prime Minister does not have a problem going on vacations, but what he wanted to do is cut a deal with SNC-Lavalin, granting a contract to a company that gave money to his family members and handing out billions of dollars to Liberal insiders and consultants. This is just one of a long list of instances of the Prime Minister using government funds to benefit himself and his friends.

We all remember the WE Charity scandal too, in which the Liberal government awarded a contract to WE Charity. This charity had huge ties to his family. There were huge ethical conflicts of interest, and there were parliamentary investigations and findings. One of the reasons I am saddened tonight is that it impacted the public's trust in the government. Despite the Prime Minister admitting he did something wrong and despite the Ethics Commissioner finding that he directed his staff to explore options for providing the money to WE, he was not found guilty. However, we know that his then finance minister, Mr. Morneau, had an entirely different experience with the WE Charity scandal.

I want to talk for a few moments about the COVID-19 response and the spending during that response, because many businesses in Oshawa went bankrupt. People lost their businesses and homes. There was huge criticism over the amount of money, how it was spent and how things were managed, but we still have not evaluated the government's support for these programs and how effective they were. There seems to be a lack of transparency in spending and accountability measures, and we have not looked at the public health implications and long-term effects. However, we do know that the actions taken were extraordinary and the amount of coercion and force the government utilized was unprecedented.

I am hearing over and over from Canadians that they should have the right to make personal medical decisions. However, as we saw, sadly, the government and the Prime Minister made deliberate decisions to go beyond guiding and protecting Canadians, to a point of punishing people who chose not to get COVID-19 vaccines, not because there was evidence that punishing them would make Canadians safer, but because he thought that scapegoating a small and unpopular minority of Canadians would make him more popular. The sad thing about that approach, as we remember from the election, is that the Prime Minister politicized a health issue. I want to give kudos to a Liberal member of Parliament, the member for Louis-Hébert, who stood up to the Prime Minister and stated on the record how disappointed and sad he was that the Prime Minister had decided to politicize Canadians' personal health decisions.

I want to bring to the attention of the House yet another example of the government obstructing parliamentarians and disrespecting our parliamentary privileges. Even today, we are trying to get information in regard to the pandemic response.

My colleague from Provencher asked an Order Paper question, Question No. 2745, in regard to Pfizer contracts and what Health Canada did not answer. All he wanted to know was when the former minister of public service and procurement, the former minister of health, Health Canada and the Public Health Agency of Canada received the contract. He also asked when Health Canada, the Public Health Agency, the Prime Minister, the Minister of Finance, the Minister of Health and the Minister of Transport were briefed on the contents. Unfortunately, he received no answer.

In the United States, there is a different system. Quite often, they go to the courts. Here in Canada, we do not have the same type of system. Canadians expect us, as parliamentarians, to use our privileges to get answers for them. Sadly, the government gives word salads or returns redacted documents.

I would like to take a moment to talk about the ArriveCAN scandal. ArriveCAN is something that was also implemented during the pandemic. I remember talking with the Privacy Commissioner in committee; he had extreme concerns about implementing something along the lines of the ArriveCAN app because of privacy issues.

We talk about the situation and the amount of money that was wasted on ArriveCAN; this is just part of it. There are huge controversies surrounding the effectiveness of this app, including privacy concerns and, of course, the costs associated with it. I remember that the Privacy Commissioner basically said, “Well, this is something that could be utilized for a very short-term period.” However, the government continued on and on, even though the evidence showed that the vaccine and the government's approach was not actually stopping the transmission of COVID-19. The Privacy Commissioner recommended that the data collected should be destroyed, but the Public Health Agency continues to utilize it.

Canadians are worried about their privacy, and here we have an app that not only cost way more than it should have but also affected Canadians' ability to travel. We have to look at this in case there is another pandemic or emergency. In that situation, the Prime Minister had no problem continuing with his family vacations. This demonstrates the perception of elitism and privilege toward the public health message, and his own adherence to the rules. In other words, it was something that he wanted Canadians to follow, but he did not want to follow it himself.

Another really important incident, where there was a similar situation to that we have today, was the Winnipeg lab scandal. I still do not think we have gotten to the bottom of this.

We have to say, “When does it stop?” The Conservative leader is calling for a carbon tax election because it is not going to stop. The Liberals are at a point now where they do not even realize any ethical breaches. It has become the regular way of doing business. The response is basically saying, “Gee, I am sorry”, and then going on and doing it again and again.

In the Winnipeg lab scandal, we saw officials from the Communist Party of China having access to some of our most vital biosecurity materials. We see that how the government handled it affected our relationship with China. Canadians are now very aware of Chinese interference, which, I guess, will be another speech that we have to manage.

It is a sad but appropriate day. Parliament needs to do its job because that is what is expected.

Al Fillmore September 18th, 2024

Mr. Speaker, I rise today as we in Oshawa mourn the loss of a long-time friend and volunteer, Al Fillmore.

When my daughter first met Al, she believed that he was actually Santa Claus. His white beard and huge smile were a dead giveaway. Whether it was his work at the Legion, the Moose Lodge, or his expertise in recycling medical devices, which he freely gave out to hundreds of patients to help them stay at home, Al's service was a light that was always present in Oshawa.

Al was a person one could always count on to deliver. His gruff exterior and his strong opinions shielded his big heart and his desire to always lend a hand to those who needed it the most.

On September 7, I was honoured to attend his memorial, along with his daughter, granddaughter and his friends from the Redrum first nations motorcycle club where he took his last ride. I thank them for sharing Al with us.

I know Al is resting in the arms of our Creator, and Oshawa's Santa spirit will be remembered by the many lives he touched. God bless.

Questions Passed as Orders for Returns September 16th, 2024

With regard to Health Canada’s (HC) assessment of risks versus benefits for the COVID-19 vaccines: (a) did HC perform a formal analysis showing that the benefits of the COVID-19 vaccines outweigh the risks (i) at the time of interim order approval, (ii) at the time of authorization, under the amended Food and Drugs Regulation for September 2021, (iii) before the approval of each subsequent booster; (b) if the answer to (a) is affirmative, who performed the analysis and what were the results of the analysis, specifying the benefits and risks (i) at the time of interim order approval, (ii) at the time of authorization, under the amended Food and Drugs Regulation for September 2021, (iii) before the approval of each subsequent booster; (c) what specific scientific studies, real world data, and Canadian morbidity and mortality data were reviewed by HC to conclude the risks of the COVID-19 vaccines outweighed the risk of COVID-19 illness (i) at the time of interim order approval, (ii) at the time of authorization, under the amended Food and Drugs Regulation for September 2021, (iii) before the approval of each subsequent booster; (d) what were the risks that HC determined for the COVID-19 vaccines compared to the risks of the COVID-19 illness (i) stratified across age groups, (ii) for the immunocompromised, (iii) for seniors with two or more comorbidities, (iv) for pregnant and lactating women, and what were these results; (e) did HC use the Cleveland study entitled “Effectiveness of the Coronavirus Disease 2019 Bivalent Vaccine” by N. Shrestha et al to update their risk-benefit analysis of the current COVID-19 vaccine; (f) if the answer to (e) is negative, why not; (g) how were those individuals who received a COVID-19 vaccine classified as being “vaccinated” versus “unvaccinated” for the purposes of statistical analysis of clinical outcomes and vaccine efficacy by the following categories (i) less than two weeks after first dose of the primary series, (ii) between two weeks and three months after first dose of the primary series, (iii) less than two weeks after second dose of the primary series, (iv) more than two weeks after second dose of the primary series, (v) less than two weeks after any booster dose, (vi) more than six months after any booster dose; (h) would the response in (g) be influenced by brand of COVID-19 vaccine, and, if so, how; (i) for Canadian morbidity and mortality data presented to the Canadian public to illustrate the efficacy of the COVID-19 vaccines, how were the definitions from (g) and (h) used; and (j) what data supported the definitions of the vaccination status as defined in (g)?

Questions on the Order Paper September 16th, 2024

With regard to Health Canada’s (HC) approval of the modRNA COVID-19 vaccines manufactured by Pfizer and Moderna and distributed throughout Canada, its mechanism of action and the elements of which they are comprised: (a) how many copies of the modRNA molecule are in a single dose, for both the Pfizer and Moderna products, (i) for adults, (ii) for children; (b) how many copies of the antigen are in a single adult dose of Novavax; (c) if there is a significant numerical difference between the answers for (a) and (b), does this affect the immunological response; (d) how many copies of dsDNA are found in a single 30 microliter adult dose of (i) Pfizer’s product, (ii) Moderna’s product; (e) was a request made to Pfizer-BioNTech and Moderna regarding the DNA size distribution in the vaccine and, if so, (i) what proportion of the total DNA quantity were under 200bp, (ii) what was the average, range and standard deviation; (f) what is the function of the modRNA; (g) what is the function of the lipid nanoparticles (LNPs); (h) what is the specific role(s) of N1-methyl-pseudouridine as used in the modRNA of the vaccines; (i) what safety data was available to HC at the time of approval and is currently available, regarding any and repeat exposure to the following in human cells (i.e., safety, efficacy, toxicity): (i) large amounts of N1-methyl-pseudouridine, (ii) dsRNA, (iii) cytosolic DNA, (iv) lipid nanoparticles; (j) with regard to the research underpinning (g), has a risk assessment been performed of the LNPs separately from that of the drug product for safety, toxicity; (k) does HC have any degradation data for the modRNA in the vaccines and, if so, what does the data show; (l) what is the duration of action of modRNA from the COVID-19 mRNA in the body and how was that measured; (m) in what cells and organs is spike protein most likely to be produced in the body; (n) in which cell types and tissues does the modRNA remain for the longest period of time and second longest period of time, and what are the time periods; (o) for what period of time does a person injected with modRNA produce spike protein; (p) is the production of spike protein dependent on cell type; (q) is there a known correlation between the amount of modRNA in the vaccine and the amount of spike protein produced by the cells; (r) has HC performed a risk assessment on the immunological, toxicological and carcinogenicity of the spike protein and, if so, what was the analysis, and, if not, why weren't these risk assessments considered necessary; (s) if production of spike protein antigen is prolonged for greater than three to five days, does prolonged exposure lead to ongoing production of antibodies; (t) if the answer to (s) is negative, will a study or investigation be undertaken to determine this; (u) if the answer to (s) is affirmative, and if antibodies are the indicator of immunity, why does efficacy wane with time when the antigen production is prolonged; (v) has the purity of the modRNA contained in the COVID-19 vaccines been determined; (w) if the answer to (v) is affirmative, what is the present accepted limit of fragmented and truncated modRNA; (x) if the answer to (v) is negative, why hasn’t the purity of the modRNA been established; (y) if production of spike protein expression is prolonged for more than three to five days, are there harmful sequelae to prolonged exposure; and (z) if the answer to (y) is affirmative, what are those harmful sequelae?

Questions on the Order Paper September 16th, 2024

With regard to the government’s response to the COVID-19 pandemic and its reliance on the National Advisory Committee on Immunization (NACI) for their “independent, expert advice” (source: Order Paper question Q-2554): (a) in 2020 and 2021, what specific studies demonstrated that the COVID-19 vaccines would prevent (i) all, (ii) any, transmission of SARS-CoV-2; (b) what specific studies demonstrated that the COVID-19 vaccines were ineffective or would not completely prevent transmission of SARS-CoV-2; (c) in 2020 and 2021, what specific data was provided by the manufacturers of the approved COVID-19 vaccines in Canada that demonstrated that the COVID-19 vaccines were effective in preventing transmission of SARS-CoV-2; (d) with respect to informed consent in 2021, how was the uncertainty or “unknown” evidence around “the effectiveness against virus transmission, and long-term effectiveness against infection and severe disease” communicated to the Canadian public and medical professionals administering the vaccines; (e) without certainty that the vaccine would prevent transmission, what was the rationale provided to the Office of the Prime Minister from the Public Health Agency of Canada, Health Canada or NACI in support of the following measures in relation to only unvaccinated healthy individuals presenting with no symptoms (i) PCR testing before entering the country, (ii) quarantining individuals before entering the country, (iii) showing one’s vaccine status through a vaccine passport, (iv) preventing their travelling on federally-regulated transportation; (f) who advised the Office of the Prime Minister about the uncertainty of the COVID-19 vaccines with respect to its inability to prevent transmission of SARS-CoV2 and when; (g) what was the source of the messaging used by (i) the Chief Public Health Officer, (ii) the Deputy Chief Public Health officer, (iii) the Chief Medical Officer of Health Canada, (iv) the Minister of Health, (v) the Prime Minister, (vi) other government or public health officials, to state that COVID-19 vaccination would protect others, implying it stopped viral transmission; and (h) who approved the messaging in (g)?